Yesterday, February 18th 2024 three (3) victims – two men and one woman, kidnapped since January 29th 2024 were released in Mundemba to their families. These victims have been in captivity in the forests of Ndian and Manyu, held by their captors for 20 harrowing days.
What is happening today, in the name of “Southern Cameroons” must surely make the heads of our ancestors who were actors in the Southern Cameroon Political story spin in their graves!
Yes, in their time there were vexations, serious ones, but never a shot, fired in anger…
Our history of Southern Cameroons is littered with incidents and lessons about the character of the people populating these lands. I share here five incidents depicting some aspects of the Southern Cameroonian character, expressed at important turning points in our history. This, so that, when we feel frustrated by “ghost Towns”, petrified by murder and kidnappings; or horrified by arson, we should understand that our parents probably felt angry too, hurt; but never allowed themselves to rise to the absurd, to take up arms against a State, to unalive, rape main or worse, never!
1. “Crawley must go!”- 1949: sentimental versus corporate motivations
It is often said that, no CDC, no Limbe, Tiko, Mbonge and Tombel; or no PAMOL, no Mundemba or Ekondo titi. If these statements sounded true in 2015 then imagine in 1949 (66 years ago) when 25,000 dissatisfied CDC workers downed tools, on a “Crawley must go” sentiment! Mr. JC Crawley, an English Man, and top CDC official was alleged to be anti-African, extremely cocky and was suspected of misadvising the Chairman against workers’ benefits. This strike failed in its sentimental goal to bring down Mr. Crawley, but by 1950 the Union attained a more, positive and long-term corporate goal of achieving substantial benefits for 25,000 Southern Cameroonians. Whereas the same Union failed in its sentimental purpose, it succeeded through organization, unanimity and fairness in its corporate demands. There was no loss of life, no arson, no destruction of property, and this corporate victory for the CDC stands till this day and helped launched the Union leaders into their different successful political careers.
The subsequent, successful popular strike and its aftermath of 1949-1950, on behalf of CDC’s 25,000 workers was well led, responsibly negotiated by its leaders and devoid of the previous sentimental action against Mr. JC Crawley (which failed); and focused on legitimate corporate demands of the workers.
2. The Endeley – Galega Story: lack of enduring benefits of counsel proffered in the shadows
The decade 1950 – 1960 was momentous for Southern Cameroon and later for Cameroon as a whole (Federal and Republic). I will only touch on one important lesson area: the Dr Endeley – Fon Galega Falsehood; its intriguing motivations and lasting negative impact between peoples of the Anglophone community. Nothing bites a proud people like the whiff of disrespect. Dr EML Endeley was Premier, Southern Cameroons between 1954 – 1958. The KNDP was launched in 1955 and wanted power badly – too badly. During this time the “Cameroon Society” a loose group of ambitious, mainly Southern Cameroonian civil servants had appointed themselves “counsellors” to the KNDP and overseers to its political tactics to wrest power from the KNC. One tactic was to spread a wicked falsehood that Dr Endeley may have disrespected the Fon of Bali. Re-stating this disrespectful claim is too low for this outlet. However, most “Anglophones” must have heard one version or another of that shabby, low political blow. This falsehood which has since been thoroughly discredited, had as sole purpose to drive a wedge between Dr Endeley and the Bali (and eventually Between Southwesters and Northwesterners), just so the KNDP could prevail on tribal grounds. They succeed and the KNC Government fell in 1959 with the KNDP taking power.
The political impacts of the crisis in the Northwest and Southwest since 2016 continues to possess creepy, and dangerous resemblance to these dark days of Southern Cameroons history. A common thread is dishonesty, divisiveness and falsehood. We must beware of counsel proffered in the shadows – they lack enduring positive benefits.
3. A Prime Minister stranded at Tiko Airport in the midst of an international visit
If the loss of the 1959 elections by the KNC to the KNDP was bad, an even more glowing demonstration of what was to come was the humiliating treatment of the outgoing Prime Minister! The African Renaissance fire brand Kwame Nkrumah was visiting Southern Cameroon just as the KNC government lost the elections of 1959 to the KNDP. Immediately the plane of the August guest left the tarmac at Tiko airport, KNDP militants took over the Prime Minister’s car; and the head of Government Business, Southern Cameroons just 1 week previously, was left stranded at the airport while seeing off a foreign Head of State!
There are many who long for the “Golden Days” of Southern Cameroons Parliamentary democracy. However, that may well be. But for those authentic, few eye witnesses who actually lived it, the period 1959 – 1965 has been written down as an especially dark political period for dissenting voices. Yet, no shots were fired, no one entered the bush! This is our history and its undisputable.
4. 13:13, staying in power, “a gun to the head lie” and coercion.
In 1960 a KNDP Member from Wum, after listening to arguments on the floor of the House in Buea, rose and declared for the CPNC party (previously KNC and KPP). From a 14:12 ratio in favor of the KNDP, the House of Assembly now stood at 13:13 and it meant the Government could fall at any time or it may have to share power. This was a significant time too for Cameroon as it was barely a year to Foumban, 1961 and “reunification”. Had the KNDP fall or shared power with the CPNC the ambitions of OK and UPC for “réunification immédiat” or for Ahidjo’s more gradual but sure reunification may have been put in jeopardy, so the stakes were very high. By virtue of Native Authority (NA) members, the KNDP’s hegemony was not challenged, however, as eager as the KNDP was to keep power so too were the CPNC to take power. News came to CPNC leadership that a representative from Tali, Upper Bayang was having second thoughts about the KNDP position on reunification and was willing to jump ship! The CPNC dispatched its leadership to Tali to seal the deal and a debt to the KNDP was reimbursed against a written commitment from the MP. The MP was to later (the next day) write another contradictory letter claiming “a gun was held to his head” and he was forced to sign for the CPNC! A high-level investigation commission later cleared the CPNC leadership of the “hold-up”, and charges were dropped and the CPNC members exonerated.
This anecdote illustrates the high stakes to reunification; it demonstrates how far the politics of coercion could go, yet, no lives were lost, despite the lie, no shots were fired and both KNDP and CPNC politicians made it to Foumban the next year, then to New York (UN) to argue for interpretation of the Plebiscite, yet no bloodshed, no violence. We must therefore look elsewhere, for the real causes of the present violence.
5. A Deputy PM threatens resignation, later unceremoniously replaced, with his acceptance speech in his pocket
The Prime Minister and leader of the KNDP, was the most senior member of the Southern Cameroons delegation to London to discuss thoughts about postponing the plebiscite. It is on record that the PM instead, requested 14 million pounds Sterling as a ‘parting gift’ from the Colonial Office, to take to our brothers across the Mungo as “dowry”. The Deputy leader, proud Bobe from Kom had threatened to resign and the Mamas of the Grassfield used “gender violence” and threatened to nude! Such was the intimidation that the Deputy KNDP leader caved-in.
The spine of our dignified Bobe was to be tested again. He took over the mantle of leadership from Premier who moved to Yaoundé and Bobe became a consensus leader and unanimously confirmed in 1965 as PM. He led one of the most refreshing governments while Muna resigned and left with a huge chunk of the KNDP to form the CUC. Bobe headed the coalition government until January 1968 when a visiting Ahidjo replaced him with Muna as Prime Minister, although Muna was not a seating MP at the time of his appointment as Prime Minister to replace Bobe. Many believed Jua had his acceptance speech in his pocket when WNO Effiom, the House speaker read the brief message from Ahidjo, Appointing ST Muna as Prime Minister and leader of Government business in Buea.
The Bobe from Kom took this humiliation like the dignified man everyone knew he was. It was a vexing issue, but no one entered the bush, no shots were fired, not even car honks were heard in protest, save for Muna’s supporters celebrating the ascension to power of one of theirs.
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Author: Peter Ngembeni MBILE. Peter is a Cameroonian and holds a PhD in Forest Policy and Economics. He is a Sustainable Development Specialist, a Southern Cameroons History Enthusiast and a Political Commentator.
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