The points presented here are historically based. They are drawn from recorded history and eyewitness accounts. Disputes can be verified or referred to the author and relevant references will be provided. For constraints of length references are not included here.
Nkambe, Donga Mantung: a "Haven of Peace" disrupted
On the 11th of February 2024, 58th edition of the National Youth Day and anniversary of the Southern Cameroons Plebiscite, an explosive device in Nkambe, Donga Mantung Division, Northwest region, killed one and wounded several others. This was on the News across the national territory. What was not on the news is that an improvised booby-trapped device was deactivated by the vigilant army in Mundemba Camp, Mundemba, Ndian Division, Southwest region. However, as we write, three Cameroonians, two men and one woman taken from Mundemba, Ndian on January the 29th 2024, remain in the hands of their kidnappers. These two locations are significant, and linking present happenings to historical events can teach us valuable lessons.
Highlighted in Table 1 below, presenting the summary results of the February 11 1961 Plebiscite, are Nkambe and Kumba Divisions.
Table 1: Results by total votes during the Southern Cameroons Plebiscite, February 11, 1961
Administrative division & Plebiscite districts | Total votes for Independence through the Federation of Nigeria | Total votes for Independence through unification with Cameroon |
Nkambe | 21,917 | 15,022 |
Wum | 8,784 | 27.115 |
Bamenda | 12,341 | 108,485 |
Mamfe | 10,070 | 33,267 |
Kumba | 32,733 | 27,600 |
Victoria | 11,916 | 22,082 |
Total | 97,741 (29.5 %) | 233,571 (70.5%) |
Source: Southern Cameroons Press Release No. 1217, Southern Cameroons Plebiscite. p152 Cameroon Political Story, NN Mbile, 1999
In the News reporting the attacks on Nkambe, Donga Mantung Division, the expression “Haven of Peace” is consistently used. Yes, Nkambe, compared to other parts of the Northwest has seen comparatively less violence. Are the forces in the Shadows bent to change that “Haven of Peace” status of Nkambe? Why has Nkambe been a “Haven of Peace?” What is different between Nkambe and the other parts of the region? One historical fact is that Nkambe voted by 6,895 against the “popular” politics of the time of the Plebiscite, the only Division in today’s Northwest region to do so. To note also, the KNDP was in power 1959 – 1961 at that time. One way forward therefore, is finding out why has Nkambe been “a Haven of Peace”.
Kumba Division: a complex and historic comparison to Nkambe.
The only other Plebiscite District voting the way of Nkambe was Kumba Division. Note that, Kumba Division was then both Meme and Ndian Divisions. On Sunday August 12 2018, Chief Essoh Itoh, then President of the Pro-State South West Chiefs, was pulled out of a Baptist Church at Ekondo Titi, Ndian Division, Southwest Region of Cameroon and murdered. In June 2021 Five Civil Servants were kidnapped from Ekondo Titi, Ndian Division and later murdered. We recall Cosala, Kumba and other similar harrowing incidents. So, Ndian or Meme although a part of the Kumba Division can certainly not be described as “Havens of Peace” since the outset of the Crisis in 2016. However, they share a commonality with Nkambe in that they were both not strongholds of the party in power at the time - the KNDP, 1959-1961, running up to the Plebiscite. Does this hold another small part of the puzzle ?
Despite this commonality, no obvious correlation can be discerned from their different levels of violence since 2016. One wildcard hypothesis may be that, perhaps the perpetrators of the violence do not necessarily come from the administrative divisions or “Havens of Peace, or of Violence”. Are there reports; is there evidence that perpetrators cross administrative boundaries and come into a “Haven” of sorts to perpetrate violence? Whether this is relevant or not, it is more important to understand the nature of the violence and how to deal with it. Afterall, purportedly, we are dealing with “proxy violence against a State”, so, a more useful approach to further our understanding may be to look at similar tactics of political life if any, leading to the Plebiscite – a political outcome; what was done, how it was done, why, and what insights we may draw to better understand our current “socio-political crisis”. The actions of Men don’t lie.
Nationalism and Governance of the Plebiscite process
Nationalism:
For 44 years up to the time of the Plebiscite, Southern Cameroons was our region and the only thing resembling our Nation was Nigeria. Significant Southern Cameroons political consciousness began in 1944 with the creation of the Cameroon Youth League (CYL) in Lagos, which later joined the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) Party of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first President. From the unpopular Richards Constitution of “appointing representatives”, to the more acceptable Macpherson Constitution of 1948, made operational in 1951, first direct elections of Parliamentarians were held in 1951. Through “Benevolent Neutrality” of Southern Cameroon’s Parliamentary Bloc of 13 in 1953, up to the 1961 Plebiscite, Southern Cameroons was a part of the Nigerian Nation. Still only two, out of six regions of Southern Cameroon voted to achieve independence as a part of Nigeria. A whooping 70.5% voted to become a part of French Cameroon. Yet, at least one of the two regions has remained a “Haven of Peace” (until the February 11 bombings). Any lessons for understanding and resolving the Crisis?
Now, the governance of the process:
A year before the Plebiscite, the Southern Cameroon’s House of Assembly stood at parity, 13:13 KNDP/CPNC. Despite pressure from French Cameroon led by OK Party and UPC for “Réunification immédiat” second thoughts loomed for postponement or even cancellation of the Plebiscite.
A trip was organized to London to discuss postponement and while there, the KNDP leader dropped a bombshell, instead requesting for UK£ 14 Million as Southern Cameron’s re-unification dowry! As the delegation returned four days later, crest-fallen, the KNDP Deputy Leader threatened to resign and in response the Grassfield Mamas threatened to nude and the Bobe caved-in.
Plebiscite day came and as the results poured-in and the pain of defeat for the pro-Nigeria electorate sank in, the then Deputy CPNC leader had this to say: “To the 97,741 Men and Women who had cast their vote in the Green box, it was as if their world had ended. Had Cameroonians been a more turbulent race this may have led to some unpleasant violence or to a movement of people as refugees”. But this did not happen, why?
The CPNC pressed for the interpretation of the results at the UNO, New York, at the Ethnic level arguing that Plebiscite results can last forever and the choices of Africans themselves should be respected. The UNO position, buttressed by soft-spoken French Cameroonians like Eyidi Bebe, convinced the Southern Cameroonians to return and “make reunification work”. Note how the “Havens of Peace” have remained faithful to that engagement!
The KNDP/CPNC team returned together, took a photograph in the rainy Buea Market-place with the Deputy CPNC leader holding an umbrella over the head of the KNDP Premier as he addressed the crowd with “one voice” and a common message of brotherhood. But the “camaraderie” was to be short-lived.
Then followed in June of 1961, the pre-Foumban Mankon/Bamenda Consultations. Unknown to especially the 13 CPNC Parliamentarians a draft proposal of the Federal Constitution had been provided by French Cameroon to the KNDP Leadership for study and review in preparation for the Foumban constitutional Conference.
So, the famous Foumban Conference came, and Southern Cameroonian Representatives were lodged in the renovated “Hotel Auberge” in the historic city. The Men from Buea were to learn from Ahidjo only on Monday morning July 17th that a Copy of the French Proposal for a Constitution had been provided to them, a full month earlier during the Mankon/Bamenda Consultations!
So, while their French Cameroon colleagues strolled and enjoyed Foumban City, the men from Buea, many of them with solid experience from at least two Constitutional Conferences, had only four (04) days, Monday 17th to Thursday 20th July to review, amend and propose a form of State which was to Govern them and their forebears maybe for a Thousand years! On Thursday night the best French translation was made and Friday morning the 21st of July 1961 a “compromise” document was adopted for the Federal Republic of Cameroon.
Ahidjo’s team read and agreed with the results of four (4) days of work by the Men from Buea, noting and agreeing to most points and committing to deliberate on divergent areas in subsequent meetings. Although at home in Buea, the House of Assembly stood at 13 Men for KNDP and 13 Men for CPNC, the KNDP did all the subsequent meetings alone and the CPNC were never invited again!
Could this have affected the quality of the outcome and later dissatisfactions with the form of our State?
From Nigeria’s Independence in October 1960, through Southern Cameroons Plebiscite of 11 February 1961, to the Foumban Conference of 17 – 21 July 1961; then to the application of the Foumban Agreements, Southern Cameroons had peacefully seceded from Nigeria for a good nine (9) months (October 1960 through February 1961, then to July 1961). In that time the KNDP Government, despite being at parity with the CPNC (13:13) did all the back-and-forth negotiations with Yaoundé alone! The 13 Men of the CPNC, some of Southern Cameroons more experienced and finest Political actors at the time were sidelined!
These are the facts of the Governance process before and after the February 1961 Plebiscite and Foumban Conferences which have shaped the union between Southern Cameroons and former French Cameroon for 63 years. As the reader digests these facts, cast the lessons against the turbulence since 2016. Put the Nkambe “Haven of Peace” against the Plebiscite results. Do the same for the Results of Kumba Division (Today’s Ndian and Meme). As the reader does these, note the turbulence which never came despite constant mockery by the majority that” “when is the 98,000 going back to Nigeria?” One of the “98,000” areas is Nkambe, Donga Mantung, a “Haven of Peace” since 2016.
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Author: Peter Ngembeni MBILE. Peter is a Cameroonian and holds a PhD in Forest Policy and Economics. He is a Sustainable Development Specialist, a Southern Cameroons History Enthusiast and a Political Commentator.
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