In 2005, while on a trip across the US I stopped at the Harold Johnson Motel between San Francisco and Palo Alto, Stanford where my course was holding. I listened to the US Senator for South Carolina, Lindsey Graham on TV, speaking on Democracy. To a question from the anchor, Mr. Graham said: “Democracy is not Voting, it is the rule of Law, supported by public participation”. Personally, I have often viewed “Voting per se” as the Achille’s heel of Africa’s experimentation with this thing we call “Democracy”.
Is there some truth from our history of Southern Cameroons that Voting/Electioneering may just be an overrated aspect of our democratic experiment? Is Senator Lindsey Graham, right?
Time-bytes of Voting in Southern Cameroons: 1951 – 1968
1951: After the revision of the unpopular Richards Constitution that nominated representatives, it was agreed in 1948 that, the Sir John Macpherson proposition of selecting parliamentarians through elections to the Southern Cameroons parliament was more “democratic”. So, by December 1951 the first elections were held. 13 Members from Southern Cameroons were elected to the Eastern House of Assembly, Enugu, all declaring for the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC).
1953: 1951 – 1953 witnessed the turbulence that came to be known as “Benevolent Neutrality” of some of Cameroon’s 13 parliamentarians in “Nigerian” Politics. Against this backdrop and for the reasons I will not amplify again here, new elections were called and held on the 26th October 1953.
1954: Then came the Federal Elections of 1954 and the Kombone affair. Kombone was a sure seat for the KPP at the time and amidst allegations of intimidations, busing-in of voters from Kumba (outside the constituency). Amidst the numerous irregularities, the presiding officer decided on some vote cancellations and recounting. the KPP lost the Federal House seat to KNC at Kombone.
1957: Then came the 1957 Elections and by now the KNDP had been created in 1955. Votes in Southern Cameroons were to be split three-ways; KNC, KPP and KNDP. With seven out of thirteen elective seats, a KPP/KNDP alliance attempted to form a government but was denied as the KNC retained all six Native Authority members of the house.
1959: Following the 1958 London Constitutional Council meeting, Elections were planned for 1959. Women voted for the first time in 1959 and the KNDP had gained considerable influence. Nevertheless, when all the dust had settled a KPP/KNC alliance had 12 Seats while the KNDP had 14 and was asked to form the government.
1960: The year 1960, eve of the Foumban Conference, though not an Election year is significant. The year 1960 saw the KNDP member for Wum cross over to the KNC/KPP Alliance, creating the 13:13 parity in the House. Later, it was the affair involving the Member for Tali who first accepted to cross over to the KNC/KPP alliance and later, returned to the KNDP amidst controversy. The KNDP government survived.
1961: Then came the famous 1961 Plebiscite – the mother of All Voting! We need not repeat the results here. Suffice to say, as some may argue, that vote; its implementation and [mis] interpretations may have brought Cameroon to the Crisis point of 2016 – Date
So, for all the Electioneering, Campaigning, and Voting what did Southern Cameroons have to show? Where were we in 1960/61? Who bankrolled the Campaigning, leading to the Plebiscite? While the KNDP was receiving support in Cash/Kind from across the Mungo and the KNC/KPP urged to seek support from Nigeria, how did all the Electioneering prepare us for the decision which was to last 1000 years? Why did the Premier in the 1961 “second thoughts” mission to London have to ask for 14 million Pounds as “parting gift”; a dowry to carry to our brothers in Yaoundé?
An authentic eye-witness who lived through the before, during and after, these seven election cycles, had this to say;
“Party politics was a costly affair. The bitterness whipped up, the physical and fiscal costs of the campaigns made the gamble a painful and uncertain venture. In fact, it was even referred to as Political Warfare; and warfare of any type has never been a pleasure, even to the winner. Even Friendships, often broke up, and supporters of both sides fell apart in prolonged bitterness and discord long after elections have ended. As elections were an unending process, always coming and going, the bitterness persisted in much of the society and even threatened the internal unity of the ethnic groups in the case where rivals came out of the same Ethnic group. Indeed, as costly party politics developed, tribal units virtually split, through the instigation of rivalry within the tribe, by its adversaries”
And so, Cameroon is preparing for Presidential Elections and Voting in 2025. In preparation, there is talk of an “Opposition” Coalition. What for, may one ask? To Vote Out the CPDM, a President? Then what? Let’s assume that were feasible, who’s in, and who’s out? Does our history teach us anything at all about Electioneering and the futility of outcomes with a distinctly opportunistic and tribal base? Who are the Coalition? Are Elections just about winning power, about governing, or development? Have we educated ourselves enough?
Read about: Rule of Law and Public Participation, next week, only here on Moneytreeslight.
The Rule of Law (not Etat de droit) is defined in the Encyclopædia Britannica as "the mechanism, process, institution, practice, or norm that supports the equality of all citizens before the law, secures a nonarbitrary form of government, and more generally prevents the arbitrary use of power”
Author: Peter Ngembeni MBILE. Peter is a Cameroonian and holds a PhD in Forest Policy and Economics. He is a Sustainable Development Specialist, a Southern Cameroons History Enthusiast and a Political Commentator.
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